ලංකාවේ මුතු කර්මාන්තයට මොකද වුණේ

Current trends, Anarchy to Panarchy

I generally avoid discussing politics, but recent developments have prompted me to share this note for future reference. This is particularly relevant as some of the predictions I made about Maithripala's period and Gotabaya's period eventually came true.

The ongoing presidential election has brought forth a wide array of promises, thoughts, and views from various candidates. Currently, the National People's Power (NPP) appears to be leading the campaign, although the final outcome is likely to hinge on the votes from the North-East, Central, and Colombo regions.

The recent surge of interest in the election is partly fueled by the echoes of the Aragalaya movement, which has resonated through campaign rallies. Notably, HE Ranil Wickremesinghe (RW) has been urging the public to vote for him, arguing that doing so will prevent a recurrence of the hardships experienced during the previous crisis. This raises questions about whether the previous incidents were also orchestrated for political gain of someone and whether those ministers who supported Gotabaya Rajapaksa (GR) are responsible for the government's failure. Furthermore, it is no secret that some ministers are pushing hard to transfer control of Sri Lanka's power generation to Adani, an issue that remains controversial. Who orechestrated these, we do not know.

Additionally, Wijedasa Rajapaksa recently mentioned a private member's proposal for constitutional reform, which he plans to present in Parliament. This proposal includes several significant points that merit consideration. One of the key suggestions is to appoint the Prime Minister as the President if the current President vacates the position, as GR did, and to hold a new election within three months—a move that seems sensible. Another notable proposal is to bar anyone who has held the presidential office from being appointed as a Member of Parliament (MP) or holding any other government position, which is also a positive step.

The proposal and recent developments raise concerns about whether Wijedasa Rajapaksa anticipates another coup-like situation similar to the Aragalaya movement. RW's rhetoric suggests he is attempting to prevent any chance of losing power in such an event. It is crucial for the public to remain vigilant and think critically about future events rather than simply declaring they will overthrow the government if it fails. While governments often fail to meet all expectations, they also attempt to achieve some good. Despite the flaws, a functioning government is necessary to prevent the chaos that anarchy could bring.

If the National People's Power (NPP) party were to succeed in the upcoming elections, they would need to adopt a more inclusive and transparent approach, avoiding the pitfalls of traditional left-wing parties that often prioritize party agendas over public welfare. This is evident in the example of the Communist Party of China (CCC), where individual freedoms are often compromised for the sake of party control. Sri Lanka, in contrast, has long enjoyed a high degree of individual freedom—what former President Chandrika Kumaratunga once referred to as "wild donkey freedom."

The NPP must recognize the importance of maintaining this level of freedom, rather than allowing party agendas to overshadow public interests. Right-wing parties have historically exploited this freedom to gain public support, a strategy that has resonated with the electorate. While finding a balanced path between governance and freedom will take time, the NPP should focus on adhering to existing rules and regulations during their initial years in power, rather than introducing sweeping changes that could destabilize the system—an outcome that would benefit those seeking chaos.

Moreover, the NPP should consider integrating influential figures like Dilith Jayaweera, who have presented compelling views during the current election campaign, into the political mainstream. Ignoring the warnings from Ranil Wickremesinghe (RW) regarding the economic trajectory with the International Monetary Fund (IMF) and tax reforms would be unwise. While the Samagi Jana Balawegaya (SJB), through leaders like Harsha de Silva and Eran Wickramaratne, shows potential, the party leader seems overly focused on populist policies rather than sound economic strategy. The NPP must be cautious not to repeat these mistakes and should strive to balance freedom with pragmatic governance.

If the current elections fail to meet the public's expectations, much like what happened with the Phottuwa party previously, there is a real risk that people will lose faith in party politics altogether. This disillusionment could lead to increased fragmentation into small, discontented groups, driven by doubt, anger, and growing social inequalities. Such a scenario might result in even greater chaos than what is currently being experienced.

The economic disparity in Sri Lanka is stark—expenses are on par with European standards, while incomes resemble those of African nations. The middle class is struggling to avoid slipping into poverty, and those already at the bottom may resort to crime as a means of survival. This situation creates a vicious cycle that could be easily exacerbated by any disturbance to the system, potentially leading to a repeat of the violent events seen between 1983-2009 or 1988-89.

In this context, it is crucial for political parties to engage with the public on an intellectual level, fostering political education rather than spreading hatred. The reason people rally behind a candidate is often because they dislike the alternatives, not necessarily because they are inspired by the candidate's vision. Constant criticism of opponents only fuels anger and division, rather than offering constructive solutions.

If candidates focus more on feasible policies and less on attacking each other, it might help restore some faith in the political process. However, if all parties fail to present workable solutions, the country could continue to deteriorate, leaving people with little hope for positive change.

Each candidate brings valuable ideas to the table, but no single platform has yet managed to unify these diverse perspectives. Perhaps the next ruling party could introduce a platform that amalgamates the best of all the policies presented during the elections. By doing so, they could create a comprehensive socio-economic-ecological forum that ensures no one feels excluded and eliminates the blame game for what was or wasn't achieved.

This unified approach could lead to greater accountability, as all policies would be evaluated under a single framework. Moreover, it would allow for the development of balanced and inclusive strategies that address the needs of all citizens, ensuring that every voice is heard and every concern considered.

This approach would serve several important functions:

1. Inclusivity: By incorporating ideas from across the political spectrum, this platform would ensure that no segment of society feels left out. It would also mitigate the "winner-takes-all" mentality, which often leads to division and resentment.

2. Accountability: If all parties contribute to the platform, it would be clear where decisions were made and how policies were developed, making it easier to identify what went wrong and who is responsible. This transparency could reduce the blame game and promote collective responsibility.

3. Comprehensive Solutions: A unified platform that considers a range of policies could address the complex challenges facing the country more effectively. For example, economic growth could be aligned with environmental sustainability, and social policies could be designed to be both equitable and financially viable.

4. Political Stability: This approach could also promote political stability, as it would reduce the polarization that often comes with adversarial politics. By working together, political actors can create a more harmonious and cooperative environment, which is essential for long-term progress.

However, implementing such a platform would require strong leadership, a commitment to dialogue, and a willingness to compromise. It would also require mechanisms to ensure that the policies developed are not just theoretically sound but also practically implementable. If done correctly, this approach could pave the way for a more stable, prosperous, and inclusive society. 

The challenge lies in the perception that left-wing movements are viewed through the lens of Russian or Chinese ideologies, creating an "us versus them" mentality. Unlike right-wing parties like the SLPP or UNP, where differences are eventually set aside for unity for political gain, left-wing groups are often seen as distinct and separate. This mindset needs to be challenged. To succeed, left-wing movements in Sri Lanka must embrace and integrate perspectives from across the political spectrum, recognizing that Sri Lanka is a capitalist democratic republic. Only by doing so can their policies gain broader acceptance and effectiveness.

 

 

Joseph Banks on Shell middens of New Zealand

 

1769 November 6.

Went ashore: Indians as yesterday very tame. Their habitations certainly were at a distance as they had no houses but slept under the bushes. The bay may be a place to which parties of them often resort for the sake of shell fish which are here very plentifull; indeed where ever we went, on hills or in valleys in woods or plains, we continualy met with vast heaps of shells often many waggon loads together, some appearing to be very old; where ever these were it is more than probable that Parties of Indians had at some time or other taken up their residence, as our Indians had made much such a pile about them. The countrey in general was very barren but the topps of the hills were coverd with very large Fern, the roots of which they had got together in large quantities as they said to carry away with them. We did not see any kind of cultivation.

 

https://gutenberg.net.au/ebooks05/0501141h.html#nov1769

 

ලොකු ගස්

මම ජීවිතයේ බොහොම ගරුකරපු සහ අද සිටින තැනට එන්නට උපකාරී වූ මහාචාර්ය පියදාස රණසිංහයන්ගේ ගුණානුස්මරණය ඊයේ දිනයට යෙදී තිබුණා. ඉතින් එතුමන් ගැන සිතනකොට ඒ සමග ම සිහිපත් කළ යුතු තවත් බොහෝ චිරරාත්‍රඥයන් සිටින බව සිහිපත් වුණා. මගේ අම්මා හා තාත්තා වගේ ම ඒ අනෙක් අය ගැන දවසක මට ඒ ගැන සටහනක් තියන්න අවස්ථාවක් නොලැබුනොත් මේ ඒ කෘතඥතාව ඔවුන්ගේ බුද්ධි කරුණා මහිමයෙන් දක්වපු අතහිත වෙනුවෙන්. නම් වශයෙන් කිවුවොත් ආචාර්ය ශිරාන් දැරණියගල, වෛද්‍ය මලික් ෆර්නැන්ඩු, වෛද්‍ය මහාචාර්ය අර්ජුන අලුවිහාරේ (මගේ ජීවිතය බේරගත්තේ ඔහු 1986 දි), මහාචාර්ය අනුර මනතුංග, මහාචාර්ය මාලිංග අමරසිංහ, ආචාර්ය ශ්‍රියානි හතුරුසිංහ, මහාචාර්ය හරිශ්චන්ද්‍ර අබයරත්න, ලාල් වික්‍රමතුංග, මහාචාර්ය බාබරා හෙල්විංග්, මහාචාර්ය රාජ් සෝමද‌ේව, මහාචාර්ය ජගත් වීරසිංහ, ආචාර්ය පැට්රික් ෆෝල්ක්නර්, ආචාර්ය ජනාන් චකීලා, රංජනී ප්‍රනාන්දු ඇදුරුතුමිය, තමරා රාමනායක ඇදුරුතුමිය, බුද්ධික සේනාධිපති, සරත් චන්ද්‍රසිරි ඇදුරුතුමන්,ඒ අය අතරින් කිහිපදෙනෙක් මේ වෙලාවේ සිහපත් වෙන. මේ ලියැවිල්ල තවත් යාවත්කාලින කරන්න අවශ්‍යයි. 

ඔවුන්ගේ මනුෂ්‍යත්වයේ ප්‍රභාවය දැන් වයස 40 කඩඉමට ලගාවෙන මට එකම එක දෙයක් කියනවා... දවසක ඔවුන් සමග යලිත් තේ කෝප්පයක් බොනගමන් සංවාදයක යෙදෙන්න ලැබුනොත්....

 

වර්තමානය සහ සතුට

අප ජීවිතයේ සතුට සොයමින් යන්නෙමු. වඩාත්ම අතීත සතුටු මතකය අපට වඩාත් සුවදායකය. නමුත් අපට අමතක වන කරුණක් නම් වර්තමානය අතීතය බවට පත්වන බවත් වර්තමානය සතුටින් සිටි තරමටම අතීත මතකය වඩාත් සතුට ගෙනෙන බවත්. ඉතින් කෘතිම බුද්ධියෙන් ඒ ගැන මතක තියාගන්න පොඩි රූප කිහිපයක් හදාගත්තා. 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

an interesting paper on punch mark coins

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

link to original paper 

https://archive.org/details/dli.calcutta.06854/page/n159/mode/2up?view=theater